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PRAXIS Pre-Professional Skills Test (PPST) II 認定 PRAXIS2 試験問題:

1. Those examples of poetic justice that occur in medieval and Elizabethan literature, and that seem so
satisfying, have encouraged a whole school of twentieth-century scholars to "find" further examples. In
fact, these scholars have merely forced victimized character into a moral framework by which the
injustices inflicted on them are, somehow or other, justified. Such scholars deny that the sufferers in a
tragedy are innocent; they blame the victims themselves for their tragic fates. Any misdoing is enough to
subject a character to critical whips. Thus, there are long essays about the misdemeanors of Webster's
Duchess of Malfi, who defined her brothers, and he behavior of Shakespeare's Desdemona, who
disobeyed her father.
Yet it should be remembered that the Renaissance writer Matteo Bandello strongly protests the injustice
of the severe penalties issued to women for acts of disobedience that men could, and did, commit with
virtual impunity. And Shakespeare, Chaucer, and Webster often enlist their readers on the side of their
tragic heroines by describing injustices so cruel that readers cannot but join in protest. By portraying
Griselda, in the Clerk's Tale, as a meek, gentle victim who does not criticize, much less rebel against the
prosecutor, her husband Waltter, Chaucer incites readers to espouse Griselda's cause against Walter's
oppression. Thus, efforts to supply historical and theological rationalization for Walter's persecutions tend
to turn Chaucer's fable upside down, to deny its most obvious effect on reader's sympathies. Similarly, to
assert that Webster's Duchess deserved torture and death because she chose to marry the man she
loved and to bear their children is, in effect to join forces with her tyrannical brothers, and so to confound
the operation of poetic justice, of which readers should approve, with precisely those examples of social
injustice that Webster does everything in his power to make readers condemn. Indeed. Webster has his
heroin so heroically lead the resistance to tyranny that she may well in spire members of the audience to
imaginatively joins forces with her against the cruelty and hypocritical morality of her brothers.
Thus Chaucer and Webster, in their different ways, attack injustice, argue on behalf of the victims, and
prosecute the persecutors. Their readers serve them as a court of appeal that remains free to rule, as the
evidence requires, and as common humanity requires, in favor of the innocent and injured parties. For, to
paraphrase the noted eighteenth-century scholar, Samuel Johnson, despite all the refinements of subtlety
and the dogmatism of learning, it is by the common sense and compassion of readers who are
uncorrupted by the characters and situations in mereval and Dlizabetahn literature, as in any other
literature, can best be judged.
In The context of the author's discussion of regulating change, which of the following could be most
probably regarded as a "strong referee" (Line 30) In the United States?

A) A political theorist
B) A federal court judge
C) A school principle
D) A social worker
E) A government inspector

2. At the time Jane Austen's novels were published between 1811 and 1818 English literature was not part
of any academic curriculum. In addition, fiction was under strenuous attack. Certain religious and political
groups felt novels had the power to make so called immoral characters so interesting young readers
would identify with them; these groups also considered novels to be of little practical use. Even Cole-ridge,
certainly no literary reactionary, spoke for many when he asserted that "novel-reading occasions the
destruction of the mind's power".
These attitudes towards novels help explain why Austen received little attention from early nineteenth
century literary critics. (In any case, a novelist published anonymously, as Austin was, would not be likely
to receive much critical attention). The literary response that was accorded her, however, was often as
incisive as twentieth century criticism. In his attack in 1816 on novelistic portrayals "outside of ordinary
experience, " for example, Scott made insightful remarks about the merits of Austen's fiction. Her novels,
wrote Scott, "Present to the reader an accurate and exact. Picture of ordinary everyday people and places,
reminiscent of seventeenth century Flemish painting. " Scott did not use the word "realistic probability in
judging novels. The critic whitely did not use the word realism either, but he expressed agreement with
Scott's evaluation, and went on to suggest the possibilities for moral instruction in what we have called
Austen's realistic method. Her characters, wrote whitely, are persuasive agents for moral truth since they
are ordinary persons "so clearly evoked that was feel an interest in their fate as if it were our own" Moral
instruction, explained Whitely, is more likely to be effective when conveyed through recognizably human
and interesting characters then when imparted by a sermonizing narrator. Whately especially praised
Austen's ability to create characters who "mingle goodness and villainy, weakness and virtue, as in life
they are always mingled. "Whately concluded his remarks by comparing Austen's art of characterization
to Sickens, stating his preference for Austin's. Often anticipated the reservations of twentieth-century
critics. An example of such a response was Lewes' complaint in 1859 that Austen's range of subjects and
characters was too narrow. Praising her verisimilitude, Lewes added that nonetheless her focus was too
often upon only the unlofty and the common place. (Twentieth-century Marxists, on the other hand, were
to complain about what they saw as her exclusive emphasis on a lofty upper-middle class) in any case,
having been rescued by some literary critics from neglect and indeed gradually lionized by them, Austen's
steadily reached, by the mid-nineteenth century, the enviable pinnacle of being considered controversial.
The primary purpose of the passage is to

A) Argue that realistic character portrayal is the novelist's most difficult task as well as the aspect of novel
most likely to elicit critical response.
B) Describe some of the responses of nineteenth century criticstoJane Austen's novels as well as to
fiction in general
C) demonstrates the nineteenth-century preference for realistic novels rather than romantic ones.
D) Explain why Jane Austen's novels were not included in any academic curriculum in the early
nineteenth century
E) Urge a reassessment of Jane Austen's novels by twentieth-century literary critics

3. Most economists in the United States seem captivated by spell of the free market. Consequently, nothing
seems good or normal that does not accord with the requirements of the free market.
A price that is determined by the seller or for that matter, established by anyone other than the aggregate
of consumers seems pernicious, accordingly, it requires a major act of will to think of price fixing (the
determination of prices by the seller) as both "normal" and having a valuable economic function. In fact,
price-fixing is normal in all industrialized societies because the industrial system itself provides, as an
effortless consequence of its own development, the price-fixing that requires, Modern industrial planning
requires and rewards great size. Hence a comparatively small number of large firms will be competing for
the same group of consumers. That each large firm will act with consideration of its own needs and thus
avoid selling its products for more than its competitors charge is commonly recognized by advocates of
free-markets economic theories. But each large firms will also act with full consideration of the needs that
it has in common with the other large firms competing for the same customers. Each large firm will thus
avoid significant price cutting, because price cutting would be prejudicial to the common interest in a
stable demand for products. Most economists do not see price-fixing when it occurs because they expect
it to be brought about by a number of explicit agreements among large firms; it is not.
More over those economists who argue that allowing the free market to operate without interference is the
most efficient method of establishing prices have not considered the economies of non socialist countries
other than the United States. These economies employ intentional price-fixing usually in an overt fashion.
Formal price fixing by cartel and informal price fixing by agreements covering the members of an industry
are common place. Were there something peculiarly efficient about the free market and inefficient about
price fixing, the countries that have avoided the first and used the second would have suffered drastically
in their economic development. There is no indication that they have.
Socialist industry also works within a frame work of controlled prices. In early 1970's, the Soviet Union
began to give firms and industries some of the flexibility in adjusting prices that a more informal evolution
has accorded the capitalist system. Economists in the United States have hailed the change as a return to
the free market. But Soviet firms are no more subject to prices established by free market over which they
exercise little influenced than are capitalist firms.
With which of the following statements regarding the behavior of large firms in industrialized societies
would the author be most likely to agree.

A) The directors of large firms are less interested in achieving a predictable level of profit tan in achieving
a large profit.
B) Many directors of large firms believe that the government should establish the prices that will be
charged for products.
C) Many directors of large firms believe that the price charged for products is likely to increase annually.
D) The directors of large firms will strive to reduce the costs of their products.
E) The directors of large firms will continue to anticipate the demand for products

4. Most economists in the United States seem captivated by spell of the free market. Consequently, nothing
seems good or normal that does not accord with the requirements of the free market.
A price that is determined by the seller or for that matter, established by anyone other than the aggregate
of consumers seems pernicious, Accordingly, it requires a major act of will to think of price fixing (the
determination of prices by the seller) as both "normal" and having a valuable economic function. In fact,
price-fixing is normal in all industrialized societies because the industrial system itself provides, as an
effortless consequence of its own development, the price-fixing that requires, Modern industrial planning
requires and rewards great size. Hence a comparatively small number of large firms will be competing for
the same group of consumers. That each large firm will act with consideration of its own needs and thus
avoid selling its products for more than its competitors charge is commonly recognized by advocates of
free-markets economic theories. But each large firms will also act with full consideration of the needs that
it has in common with the other large firms competing for the same customers. Each large firm will thus
avoid significant price cutting, because price cutting would be prejudicial to the common interest in a
stable demand for products. Most economists do not see price-fixing when it occurs because they expect
it to be brought about by a number of explicit agreements among large firms; it is not.
More over those economists who argue that allowing the free market to operate without interference is the
most efficient method of establishing prices have not considered the economies of non socialist countries
other than the United States. These economies employ intentional price-fixing usually in an overt fashion.
Formal price fixing by cartel and informal price fixing by agreements covering the members of an industry
are common place. Were there something peculiarly efficient about the free market and inefficient about
price fixing, the countries that have avoided the first and used the second would have suffered drastically
in their economic development. There is no indication that they have.
Socialist industry also works within a frame work of controlled prices. In early 1970's, the Soviet Union
began to give firms and industries some of the flexibility in adjusting prices that a more informal evolution
has accorded the capitalist system. Economists in the United States have hailed the change as a return to
the free market. But Soviet firms are no more subject to prices established by free market over which they
exercise little influenced than are capitalist firms.
According to the passage, an imbalance arises between nuclear radiation pressure and gravitational force
in stars because

A) radiation pressure increases as a star increases in mass
B) the collapse of a star increases its gravitational force.
C) the density of a star increases as it ages
D) dense plasma decreases the star's gravitational force.
E) radiation pressure decreases when a star's fuel has been consumed

5. Those examples of poetic justice that occur in medieval and Elizabethan literature, and that seem so
satisfying, have encouraged a whole school of twentieth-century scholars to "find" further examples. In
fact, these scholars have merely forced victimized character into a moral framework by which the
injustices inflicted on them are, somehow or other, justified. Such scholars deny that the sufferers in a
tragedy are innocent; they blame the victims themselves for their tragic fates. Any misdoing is enough to
subject a character to critical whips. Thus, there are long essays about the misdemeanors of Webster's
Duchess of Malfi, who defined her brothers, and he behavior of Shakespeare's Desdemona, who
disobeyed her father.
Yet it should be remembered that the Renaissance writer Matteo Bandello strongly protests the injustice
of the severe penalties issued to women for acts of disobedience that men could, and did, commit with
virtual impunity. And Shakespeare, Chaucer, and Webster often enlist their readers on the side of their
tragic heroines by describing injustices so cruel that readers cannot but join in protest. By portraying
Griselda, in the Clerk's Tale, as a meek, gentle victim who does not criticize, much less rebel against the
prosecutor, her husband Waltter, Chaucer incites readers to espouse Griselda's cause against Walter's
oppression. Thus, efforts to supply historical and theological rationalization for Walter's persecutions tend
to turn Chaucer's fable upside down, to deny its most obvious effect on reader's sympathies. Similarly, to
assert that Webster's Duchess deserved torture and death because she chose to marry the man she
loved and to bear their children is, in effect to join forces with her tyrannical brothers, and so to confound
the operation of poetic justice, of which readers should approve, with precisely those examples of social
injustice that Webster does everything in his power to make readers condemn. Indeed. Webster has his
heroin so heroically lead the resistance to tyranny that she may well in spire members of the audience to
imaginatively joins forces with her against the cruelty and hypocritical morality of her brothers.
Thus Chaucer and Webster, in their different ways, attack injustice, argue on behalf of the victims, and
prosecute the persecutors. Their readers serve them as a court of appeal that remains free to rule, as the
evidence requires, and as common humanity requires, in favor of the innocent and injured parties. For, to
paraphrase the noted eighteenth-century scholar, Samuel Johnson, despite all the refinements of subtlety
and the dogmatism of learning, it is by the common sense and compassion of readers who are
uncorrupted by the characters and situations in mereval and Dlizabetahn literature, as in any other
literature, can best be judged.
The author's lone in her discussion of the conclusions reached by the "school of twentieth-century
scholars" (line 4) is best described as

A) philosophical
B) plaintive
C) apologetic
D) enthusiastic
E) disparaging

質問と回答：

質問 # 1 正解： B

質問 # 2 正解： E

質問 # 3 正解： E

質問 # 4 正解： E

質問 # 5 正解： E